Blog 8: Categorizing
Political Violence
Jeff Merrell
The country by which I am most intrigued is, believe it or
not, Canada. Canada is a diverse country
with a unique bilingual[1] political[2]
environment. Many Canadians view the
province of Québec as the black sheep of the country, largely because of its
French language and culture. Since 1960,
Québec’s attempts at secession and independence have been described as a
movement,[3]
terrorism,[4] and
even a revolution![5] But, as this blog leads me to question, were
these acts of political violence truly characteristic of terrorism or a
revolution? Do the definitions provided
in the textbook for these acts suffice?
Below is an analysis of each type mentioned in reference to Québec’s
independence movement.
Terrorism: Front de libération du Québec
From approximately 1963-1970, the Front de liberation du Québec
(Québec Liberation Front) was a key non-state actor in the pursuit of Québec
sovereignty, being accused of numerous independence-related acts of terrorism. The headliner of these attacks, most believe,
was an event referred to as the October Crisis.
The FLQ kidnapped a British Trade Commissioner and Québec’s Minister of
Labour just five days later. The Québec
official was executed and the FLQ threatened a similar result with the British
official if certain demands were not met.
The Canadian federal government got more involved and, eventually, the
demands were met.
The textbook’s definition of terrorism is “threatened or
actual use of violence for political purposes by non-state actors, directed
particularly against civilian targets.”[6] Do the actions of the FLQ match that
definition? For the most part, yes. The FLQ was a non-state actor that used
violence for political purposes (seeking independence). Where I may disagree, however, is that
violence must target civilians in order to be terrorism. Granted, some of the FLQ’s activities
targeted civilians, but the headlining violence was towards political officials
– not civilians. Another gap in the
textbook’s definition of violence is that it only specifies the human victims
and not the property involved. Had the
FLQ bombed an empty government building with no human casualties at all,
wouldn’t it still be considered terrorism?
I believe that 9/11 attests that yes, attack on property is terrorism.
Based on the FLQ incident, as well as other attacks by
non-state actors with which I am familiar, I am more comfortable defining
terrorism as “threatened or actual use of violence for political purposes by
non-state actors, regardless of the target (civilian, government official,
property, etc.).”
Revolution:
Révolution tranquille
The period in which
the terrorist attacks mentioned above took place is generally referred to as
the Révolution tranquille, or the Quiet Revolution. It was a period of political upheaval, led by
the secularization and liberalization of the provincial government. Religious oppression and language-based
economic discrimination ceased while provincial patriotism/nationalism
increased. There was some violence
throughout the period but, for the most part, the revolution took place without
a substantial amount of violence. That
is why it is known as the Quiet
Revolution.
The textbook’s
definition of revolution is “armed conflict within a sovereign state between
insurgents and the state, in which both the insurgents and the state claim the
allegiance of a significant proportion of the population; authority over the
state is forcibly transferred from the state to the insurgents, and the
insurgents subsequently bring about wholesale political change.”[7] At face value, does the Quiet Revolution fit
in this definition? No, it does not. First of all, it would be a big stretch to
refer to it as an armed conflict; secondly, it was not a matter of control of
the state, but rather of the province.
The insurgents wanted to gain control of the province from the state in
order to become its own state.
If the Quiet
Revolution does not fit into the definition of a revolution, why is it called a
revolution at all? I believe that most
refer to this period in Québec’s history as a revolution because it ultimately
led to relative wholesale political change.
While Québec remained a part of Canada and cannot claim ultimate
authority over its territory, the federal government has taken action since
then to better appease Québec’s desire for independence. As recently as 2006, a resolution proposed by
Steven Harper (Canadian Prime Minister) recognized Québec as a “nation within a
united Canada.”[8]
Based on this period
of time in Québec, I would propose to modify the textbook’s definition of revolution
to state “a conflict (violent or otherwise) between insurgents and the
incumbent government in which both parties claim the allegiance of a
significant proportion of that territory’s population; the conflict ultimately
results in increased political power for the insurgents and/or their
constituency and wholesale political change.”
[1] "History
of Bilingualism in Canada." Canadian Heritage. Government of
Canada, 22 2008. Web. 8 Nov 2012. http://www.pch.gc.ca/pgm/lo-ol/bllng/hist-eng.cfm.
[2] Shively,
W. Phillips. Power & Choice: An Introduction to Political Science.
13. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2012. 233. Print.
[3] "Parti
Québécois." Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online
Academic Edition. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 2012. Web. 08 Nov. 2012. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/444934/Parti-Québecois.
[4] "FLQ
Crisis." Canadian Soldiers. N.p.. Web. 7 Nov 2012. http://www.canadiansoldiers.com/history/domesticmissions/flqcrisis.htm.
[5] Belanger,
Claude. "The Quiet Revolution." Québec History. Marianopolis
College, 23 2000. Web. 7 Nov 2012. http://faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/Québechistory/events/quiet.htm.
[6] Samuels,
David. Comparative Politics. Pearson Education, Inc., 2013. 276. Print.
[7] Samuels,
David. Comparative Politics. Pearson Education, Inc., 2013. 269. Print.
[8] “House passes motion recognizing Québécois as
nation,” CBC News, November 27, 2006,
accessed April 6, 2011, http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/story/2006/11/27/nation-vote.html. See also David R. Cameron and Jacqueline D.
Krikorian, “Recognizing Québec in the
Constitution of Canada: Using the Bilateral Constitutional Amendment Process,” University of Toronto Law Journal 58
(2008): 395.
This is an interesting, well written paper. I agree completely with your first point, but not your second one. We're talking about definitions as they are used in the wider concept of political violence. If that violence/harm/threat of harm isn't there, than the rest of the argument is pointless. Things like governments and society evolve over time, and sometimes we use "revolution" to label that, like in the case of the Industrial revolution, but they are in completely different contexts than political violence.
ReplyDeleteVery thorough, I like the wide base of source material. I think that both of your points are well-backed and particularly like your critique of Samuel's definition of terrorism.
ReplyDeleteVery interesting analysis. I would propose that the reason that this event is called the "Rrévolution tranquille" is because French-Canadians just tend to be overly dramatic. Don't forget that the French-Canadians also call the betrayal of the French Premier in the Kitchen Accord controversy the "Night of the Long Knives" (after Adolf Hitler's purging of the Nazi party ranks).
ReplyDeleteI love that you picked Canada for a paper on political violence. Also liked your critique of Samuels' definition of terrorism.
ReplyDeleteAwesome Blog. I lived in Ontario for a few years, then served my mission in Québec and everything you said is spot on. I like your alteration of the definition.
ReplyDelete