According
to David J. Samuels in his book Comparative Politics, there are four
main definitions for political violence that he outlines. Political science has
had difficulty with defining such things but Samuels takes a stab at it when
describing civil wars, revolutions, terrorism, and genocide. To examine the
accuracy of his definitions, lets take a loser look at the “worse incidence of
political violence Costa Rica has ever experienced” (Stanley).
It
was 1948, the year of Costa Rican elections and it was a major turning point in
politics. The National Republicans, the party that had held most of the
country’s political power for ages, was finally ousted from the presidency.
Such a shift in power was unacceptable and they sought to delegitimize the
election. Their influence in the Legislative Assembly was used to “annul the…
election of rival candidate Otilio Ulate of the Social Democratic Party”
(Lorenz). What came after can only be described as “all hell breaking loose”;
Jose Figueres took matters in to his own hands and sought to organize the
Second Republic of Costa Rica through military action. He spear headed this new
National Liberation Army and he and his followers traveled north up Costa Rica,
capturing cities and ports as they went.
According to
Samuels, this instance so far, does fall between his constructed definitions.
Specifically, this instance of violence in Costa Rica supports his definition
for Civil War. Civil War is, first of all, armed combat. The use of Figueres’
military power to overtake the cities is evidence that perhaps this instance
really does support Samuel’s definition. However, let’s not neglect the other
factors.
Second, the violence in Costa Rica
was within the boundaries of the sovereign state. During the course of this
uprising, the Nicaraguan President sent forces to occupy certain points in
Costa Rica, but only to protect the Nicaraguan borders and ensure that the
violence would be contained. The fight was within Costa Rica even though the
United States also hinted at involvement; the US was merely concerned about the
Communist influences that had been confirmed in Costa Rica and never actually
got involved.
Thirdly,
the violence was between two parties that were subject to common authority
before the start of hostilities, as Samuel’s definition suggests. Before
Figueres’ raised up an army, he was under the jurisdiction of the Costa Rican
government. He only raised an army to protest the injustices of the Legislative
Assembly.
This
violence in Costa Rica fits Samuel’s definition for Civil War, but is that the
only definition it fits? According to Samuel’s, a revolution is a civil war in
which one party is the state, the insurgents win with a lot of popular support,
and the insurgents implement “wholesale political change”. After he conquered
many cities and ports, Figueres turned his sights to the capital, San Jose.
President Picado, with the threat of US involvement looming, signed The Pact of
the Mexican Embassy and officially ended the revolt granting Figueres 18 months
of power.
Lasting
only 6 weeks and killing 2000 people, Figueres used his power to bring about
much more lasting effects on Costa Rica. While in office he “banned the
communist party, gave women the right to vote, granted black immigrants full
citizenship, and established a presidential term limit” (Stanley). In addition,
he abolished the standing army of Costa Rica and created a constitutional ban
which would prevent successors from gaining political power through the
military. Isn’t that some of the “wholesale change” that this revolution would have brought about? So
was it a civil war or was it a revolution? What these definitions do not
address is that the junta was in place and all of these changes occurred, but
after the 18 months were up, Figueres succeeded to the rightfully elected
President and politics continued on the way they had before.
Ultimately,
Samuel’s definitions provide adequate descriptions of the types of political violence
that occurs internationally and they especially provide for an accurate
description of the violence that occurred in Costa Rica in 1948. Although,
there was change brought about by the uprising, the change was temporary and there
was not major upheaval in the way that the government was run after the junta
was dissolved, and so this instance becomes the Costa Rican Civil War.
Works Cited
Lorenz, Christopher M. "Costa Rica and the 1948
Revolution." El EspĂritu Del 48. N.p., n.d. Web. 08 Nov.
2012. <http://www.elespiritudel48.org/docu/h_i01.htm>.
Samuels, David. "Political Violence." Comparative
Politics. New York: Pearson Education, 2013. 257-84. Print.
Stanley, April. "Project Costa Rica." Project
Costa Rica. Chart Reporter, n.d. Web. 08 Nov. 2012.
<http://www2.mssu.edu/international/mccaleb/CostaRica/army.htm>.
I really liked how you fleshed out each political violence category and applied it to your county.
ReplyDeleteGreat job! I really liked your writing. You also did great in arguing the possibilities of Revolution and Civil War, and coming to a solid conclusion.
ReplyDeleteGood job at explaining each component of the definition and citing specific examples from the conflict to back it up. Sweet.
ReplyDeleteGreat blog! It is hard to define political violence as specifically one specific type and discount the others. Each conflict always tends to have elements of every kind of political violence defined by Samuels.
ReplyDelete